Occupy Wall Street, and its various offshoots in other cities, seems not to be satisfied until the society that has produced the most mass prosperity, the most advancements in technology and freedom, in human history, is replaced by the model more like the failed and deadly Soviet model. And We Are Ohio is fully on board with that!
But not only do they support the socialists behind the Occupy movement, they even employ one.
Meet Will Klatt. He is a self-described "community organizer" and claims on his Facebook page to be the "Statewide Youth Outreach Coordinator" for We Are Ohio.
Since it appears often on his Facebook wall, and he is officially the Youth Outreach Coordinator, he is presumably the brains behind the Facebook group "We Are Ohio Students". So, how is young Will reaching out to Ohio's youth? By organizing and attending "Occupy" protests around Ohio, of course! Here is a part of his wall highlighting that We Are Ohio Students is directly endorsing, attending and organizing the Occupy Columbus protests.
Another post on his wall confirms that he himself attended Occupy Columbus General Assembly, indicating that he is directly involved. Notice how moved he is by the gathering of so many other socialists, and how he refers to himself as a revolutionary.
He has attended the General Assembly for other Occupy events in Ohio. Below, you can see that he also attended the Commie gatherings at Wright State and Ohio University.
Here, you see on his page that "We Are Ohio Students" declares that they are the "99%", just like the Marxists down in Zuccatti Park.
Some "Occupiers" aren't too sure they want to be co-opted by We Are Ohio. Here, an Occupy Portsmouth supporter wonders aloud.
Still don't believe the Youth Outreach Coordinator for "We Are Ohio" is a communist? Take a look at an astounding Q&A with him here:
Internationally, the Left’s political power is at a historical low. How do you make sense of the decline of the Left? How should the student left, on the whole, or one’s own political practice begin to address this?
Klatt: I disagree that we’re in a moment of defeat. There are problems with the strikes and protests in Greece, but there are also a lot of interesting things going on. If communities of anarchists, communists, and socialists come together and agree on what needs to happen, we can profoundly transform not just our country, but the world. Simply because those sorts of wide-ranging transformations are not happening right here, at this moment, does not mean that we are in a moment of defeat. We are at a point in human history where any kind of revolutionary outbreak, once it gets off the ground somewhere, will spread through the global community.
In the new SDS, the fixation on being a broad-based, umbrella organization displaced attempts to clarify its own ideological thought, and thus to develop its members politically. Internal political differences were often addressed apolitically—through whisper campaigns, for instance—in ways that simply did not get at the heart of the issue. Has this become a tendency of the Left in general, meaning that young leftists are doing work for political organizations, without development and clarification of their political perspective? To what degree is this a problem, and how can organizations address it?
Klatt: I do not think ideology is nearly as important as some of the other panelists. At this point, it does not matter which program we are going to implement once the revolution happens. It is fine to talk about whether you are a Marxist or an anarchist, but such discussions are premature at best. They are ultimately irrelevant until we have real power. When I’m organizing students, the reason I do not talk about, for example, whether or not they have read Marx, is because it is not relevant to our lives. It will be relevant, and we should have those arguments, once we have overthrown capitalism. But we are not there yet.
Listening to you all, I have come to agree that it is important to talk about our ideology in the movement. At the SDS convention, you would see the Marxists in one corner planning their next move, and the anarchists planning theirs in the other corner. What I thought was interesting was that the discussion, particularly in the anarchist circles, was, “If we win, these people are going to try to kill us.” Many anarchists are skeptical of building coalitions with Marxist groups because of things like the history of Marxism and anarchism in Spain and other places, where taking power led to bloodshed internally. This could happen again, but I think, in the meantime, it makes sense for us to talk to each other. I do not think, however, is it is good to organize through these little subgroups and sects—we are not going to win a revolution by organizing anarchists and socialist clubs on our campuses, and I think this is where we really mess up. You may develop a decent community with an idea like that, but it does not build the bridges the movement needs in order to move forward. In the sphere of mass organizing, we cannot let ideology dominate the entire discussion, because it distracts from the fact that hardly anyone is even tenuously committed to a communist revolution in America in the first place.
So. I ask again, We Are Ohio.
Why do you embrace a movement that wants to overthrow the entire American economy? Isn't that attacking the middle class?
Why do you tell communists and Marxists who are willing to use violence to achieve their goals, that you have got their back?
How does hiring a known and admitted communist helping the middle class in Ohio?
If you bring down the American economy, where will the middle class that you claim you protect get jobs? Do you actually think the middle class would keep their jobs under such a circumstance?
And lastly, knowing what we know now about your public association with America-hating communists, socialists and anarchists, why would any sane, mainstream Ohioan listen to how you tell them to vote on Issue 2?!
I didn't have to make any of this up, folks. Everything I've shown you is in their own words.
Vote YES on Issue 2.